2004英语专业的专业英语B试题、2001～2004英语专业基础英语试题和二外（法语）试题

my117 · 发表于 2007-4-22 10:02

这是我以前在本版中找到的，受益很大，但好像不在精华区，也没在试题区里，为便于查找，再次列出，希望发该帖的原作者不要介意。

对外经济贸易大学
2004年攻读硕士研究生入学考试
基础英语试题（试题代码:361）

Part one: vocabulary and structure (90%)
1.       Each sentence in this part has a word underlined. Below each sentence are four other words. You are to choose the word which would best keep the meaning of the original sentence if it
were substituted for the underlined word. (30%)
1. A person’s religion should be a solace to him in times of trouble and affliction.
A. relief  B. soothing  C. consolation  D. consolatory
2. The essence of economic planning lies in the fact that decisions which in a capitalist society are diffused among numerous units are embodied in a single complex decision which constitutes the plan.
A. scattered  B. spread C. dispatched D. disposed
3. In Italy during the thirteenth century the form of a new kind of society could be discerned. It conceived itself as a return to, as a rebirth of, an ancient way; but in fact, it contained the germ of perpetual regeneration, the capacity, unprecedented in history, for sustained and cumulative development.
A. enlightened B. learned C. comprehended  D. perceived
4. Scientific inquiry through the mid-nineteenth century was essentially a leisure class occupation, a hobby for the aristocracy, those who had the wherewithal and the time to devote themselves to objectives without monetary value.
A. interest  B. status  C. verve  D. money
5. Individualism proceeds from erroneous judgment more than from depraved feelings; it originates as much in the deficiencies of the mind as in the perversity of the heart.
A. low-minded / unyieldingness  B. debauched / waywardness
C. ill-humored / ungoverned ness D. dispraised / unpersuadableness
6. It is possible to answer the question What ought to be? or What should be done? without explicitly or implicitly relying on a value premise.
A. notion B. thesis C. imagination D. expression
7. Aristocracy stands only partly for a social class distinguished by special privileges; it is also the preduring (and idealized) representation of distinctiveness, antimaterialism, and diffused power.
A. Visible B. enduring  C. seeming D. proper
8. There was a theoretical challenge, one forced on Tocqueville by the threat of the workers and the ineptitude of the bourgeoisie.
A. highbrow B. insaneness C. idiotism D. absurdity
9. Boston citizens saw history made manifest in fine colonial buildings and all the prosperous vistas of Beacon Hill, and took pride not only in their city’s thriving economy but also in its vast concentration of clubs, societies and improving establishment.
A. conspectus  B. reconnaissance  C. visualization  D. prospect
10. Because I wished to live deliberately, to front only the essential of facts of life, and to see if I could not learn what it had to teach, and not, when I came to die, discovered that I had not lived. I did not wish to live what was not life, living is so dear; nor did I wish to practice resignation, unless it was quite necessary. I wanted to live deep and to put to rout all that was not life… to drive life into a corner and reduce it to its lowest terms.
A. addiction B. submission  C. relinquishment  D. endurance
11. Although Southern touchiness on the subject made it necessary to omit any direct reference to slavery in the Declaration of Independence, the existence of slavery was recognized and accepted by the new American Constitution.
A. soreness b. fastidiousness C. peevishness D. fractiousness
12. The idea of the new found land to the west, the iconography of the wilderness, the fundamental encounter between man and Nature, the figure of the Indian: all these came to be, for the earliest American writers and their successors, among the most important motifs and themes in the national literature.
A. characterization B. petroglyph C. duplication D. incarnation
13. Contemporary American literature can be seen – to quote one commentator, Van Wyck Brooks – as a sublimation of the frontier spirit.
A. clarification B. purification  C. ablution  D. fumigation
14. Mid-nineteenth-century Irish immigration was largely the result of the expelling force of the famine, just as late nineteenth and twentieth-century Jewish migration was triggered off by pogroms.
A. slaughter B. homicide C. sacrifice D. crucifixion
15. Indeed, though he was essentially retrospective in his outlook, Hardy anticipated the concerns of modern poetry by treating the craft as an awkward, often skeptical means of penetrating the façade of language.
A. retroactive B. retrogressive C. reminiscent  D. prospective
16. In any case, as the tentacles of railroad lines and, later, highways spread to the farthest reaches of the country, the old rural-urban distinctions began to collapse.
A. antenna  B. assistance C. extension  D. by-product
17. When the material conditions change, changes are occasioned in the adaptive culture. But these changes in the adaptive culture do not synchronized exactly with the change in the material culture.
A. synthesize B. operate at the same time  C. overlap  D. evolved.
18. England fell into a war that it had repeatedly been promised it could avoid, and in so doing advanced its fall from world eminence by decades.
A. superiority  B. hegemony  C. notability  D. zenith
19. There if no shared endeavor or suffering, service in the armed forces has become a rarity and austerity is a distant memory.
A. obdurateness B. astringency C. extravagance  D. abstemiousness
20. The stronger the challenge, the more vociferous the evangelism about how the family was the cornerstone of the safe and ordered society, and the wife and mother was the heart of the family.
A. incorrigible B. clamorous  C. strident D. infirm
21. The more you look back into English history, the more you are forced to the conclusion that alongside the civility and the deeply held convictions about individual rights, the English has a natural taste for disorder.
A. eminence  B. courteousness C. harmony  D. condescension
22. Indeed, we should find Berkeley’s philosophy especially poignant in light of the very first and most essential bit of wisdom, which we have identified as part of our meaning of the term philosophical enlightenment.
A. thought-provoking B. abstruse  C. piercing  D. soothing
23. Roosevelt played the game of politics with virtuosity, and both his successes and his failures were carried off in splendid style; his performance seemed to flow with effortless skill.
A. virulence B. skill C. resort D. trick
24. Activation begins at a single node and then spreads in parallel from throughout the network. This activation attenuates over distance, thus ensuring that closely related concepts are more likely to be activated than distant concepts.
A. develop  B. strengthen C. reduce  D. weaken
25. I felt that the sentence given to the criminal was much too lenient. Murder should carry the maximum penalty.
A. indulgent B. felicitous  C. trenchant  D. tiresome
26. Most executives consider compatibility to be a desirable characteristic for their employees. Internal bickering can be very disruptive.
A. ability to type rapidly B. ability to get to work promptly
C. ability to work harmoniously  D. ability to compete ardently
27. The reverberations of the reform were felt in the Roman Catholic Church in a proliferation of new religious orders but not in new liturgical or doctrinal forms.
A. repercussion  B. reverence  C. revelation  D. retro gradation
28. ancient mountain villages huddle on impossibly narrow ridges or perch defiantly on impregnable hilltops, their Romanesque churches and medieval battlements reached by dizzying roads that spool down into sunny valleys of vineyards and olive groves.
A. bare B. precipitous  C. sublime  D. invincible
29. Such writers as Harry Elmer Barnes, Charles Tansill, C. Hartley Grattan, and J. Kenneth Tunnel shifted the focus from President Wilson, whom they considered sanctimonious and slow, to the house of Morgan and the Bethlehem Steel Company, which they charged with leading the company into combat to protect their investments in British securities.
A. feignedly pious  B. apish C. inept  D. extremely bigheaded
30. We went soberly home, not yielding until we were away from the schoolhouse. We didn’t argue or fight, not while Willie Stone was arguing so hard and deliriously for life and love.
A. eloquently B. ragefully  C. crazily  D. persuasively

II. In each of the following passages correct all the errors and inconsistencies in tense and mood as well as any other errors in verb and preposition usage. Put a check mark after any sentence that is satisfactory as it stands. (30%)
            I
1.       Charles Dickens creates many memorizing characters in David Copperfield. 2. He give many of his characters names that suggest their personalities. 3. Mr. Murdstone is unfeeling, Little Emily is shy, and Dr. Strong is virtuous. 4. Dickens also tags his characters with recurring peculiarities of speech; these may even be call their trademarks. 5. For example, Brakis continues to have proposed marriage with these words: ‘Barkis is willin’.” 6. The proud Urianh Heep, a hypocrite, keeps calling himself a humble man. 7. Over and over Mr. Micawber rambled on and then concludes, “in short-“. 8. When he owed debts, this character shrugs off what he terms his “pecuniary difficulties.” 9. With cheerful certainty, he repeats his favorite prophecy: “Something is bound to turn up.” 10. Set down and read David Copperfield through to become acquainted with these interesting people.

II

1.       The world is always divided into two camps: those who love garlic and onions and those who detest it. 2. The first camp would include the Egyptian pharaohs who was entombed by clay and wood carvings of garlic and onions and ensure that meals in afterlife would be well seasoned. 3. It would include the Jews who were wandering for 40years in the Sinai wilderness, fondly remembering “the fish we did eat in Egypt so freely, and the pumpkins and melons, and the leeks, onions and garlic.” 4. It would include Sydney Smith, the 19th-century essayist, those “Recipe of Salad” includes this couplet: “Let onion atoms lurk within the bowl, and scarce-suspected, animated the whole.”
5. The camp of the garlic and onion haters would include the Egyptian priests whom, as to Plutarch, “kept themselves clear from the onion…6. It is suitable neither to fasting nor festival, because in the one case it causes thirst and in the other tears for those who partakes it.” 7. The camp would include the ancient Greeks, who considers the odor of garlic and onions vulgarly and prohibited garlic and onion eaters from worship at the Temple of Cybele. 8. It would include bottom, who in A Midsummer Night’s Dream instructs his troupe of actors to “eat no onions nor garlic, we were to utter sweet breath.”

III. Complete the following passages by writing the missing words. Use only one word for each space. (30%)

      1
The tradition of rhetoric has stimulated the thinking of liberal and (1) theorists alike. The former, of which Foucault and Derrida are examples, see in the art the possibility (2) challenging the status quo, the latter the capacity for preserving and propagating cultural values. (3) the latter is the American rhetorical theorist and literary critic Richard Weaver, most of (4) works on rhetoric appeared between 1948 and 1956.
Weaver’s interest in the relationships among values, culture, and rhetoric led him to be fiercely (5) in both rhetoric and education. For Weaver, (6) ought to be employed to transmit cultural values. “it has been said countless (7) in this country that democracy cannot exist (8) education. The truth concealed in this observation is that (9) education can be depended on to bring men to see the hierarchy of (10).

      2
As artists began (1) from academic standards to do their own experimenting into nature of reality and (2) it could be expressed in art, some inevitably turned their attention inward. Art used (3) a vehicle for the portrayal of (4) psychological states has been called EXPRESSIONISM. This tendency was already evident in the late works of van Gogh, for (5) trees and sky writhed in sympathetic resonance with his intense inner torments. The Norwegian Edward Munch abandoned any attempt at objective reporting of (6) realities in his The Season. The terror he feels inside becomes visible (7) ware upon wave of undulating colored bands, filling the environment. Prior to World War I, German artists in groups called Die Brucke (“the Bridge”) and Der Blaue Reiter (“The Blue Rider”) (8) Expressionists, usually portraying states such as anxiety or anger rather than the hopeful sweetness and materialistic complacency (9) perceived in French impressionism. German Expressionism encompassed many of the arts, (10) filmmaking, with works such as The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari.

      3
Among the most persistent and insightful critics of the American political system are the elite theorists, as the name implies, these (1) argue that the United States government is not a democracy. It is at best an (2), or a system ruled by a relatively small number of people. The (3) of this country, the elite theorists contend, are the people who (4) the large industrial firms and the various pressure groups.
C.Wright Mills, the most influential of the elite theorists, wrote of (5) power elite that controls the political system. He argued that these people maintain their dominant position (6) social, school, and family relationships. Robert Michel, another elite theorist, suggested a different dynamic when he set (7) his theory. This theory holds that in any organization only a small percentage of members will be (8). Hence, the leadership of any body will come from a tiny group of activists. (9) the general membership is usually dominant, the leadership will (10) control the organization.
Part two: Reading and Writing (60%)
IV. Translate the following passage into English.

  存在主义(existentialism)产生于两次世界大战之间，从1945年起它在西方思想界一直占统治地位，直到20世纪60年代被结构主义(structuralism)和其它思想运动，主要是女权运动(feminism)和黑人觉醒(black consciousness),所逐渐取代。与存在主义不同，结构主义关注的重点在于自由和选择，它宣称人类自由是有限的。结构主义者主张，不论处于什么历史阶段或社会背景，内心的思想模式是人类以始终如一、循环往复的方式和自然及人与人之间相互影响。由此得出断定，文明（比如，就像在政府、社会关系和语言中所体现的一样）和观点（如自由、健康和美丽）是源自根深蒂固的思维模式而不是来自环境或进步性的启蒙。结构主义者分析认为不仅所有的知识取决于思想而且文明本身也反映思想与生俱来的本性。他们通过阐释并分析文化的基础，试图得到人类思维最根本的本质的某种理解。

V. Read the following passage and then write a summary in Chinese.
  Institutions – especially the more highly articulated structures such as the state, church, army, university, press, and business corporation – do not just exist as natural, independent bastions. They are tied by purchase and persuasion, by charter and power, to capitalist class interest. In every society, those who control the material means of production also control the mental means of production. The economically dominant class is also the politically dominant. Nowadays, such thoughts usually are dismissed as just so much Marxist ideological mouthing. So it may cone as a surprise to discover that throughout most of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries, leading bourgeois theorists and philosophers saw the linkage between wealth and politics. Adam Smith noted in 1776 that civil authority “is in reality instituted for the defense of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.”
The state power of the dominant economic class never stands alone. As napoleon once said, you can do anything with bayonets except sit on them. A class that belays solely in the state’s military force to maintain its rule is never really secure. Behind the state is a whole supporting network of doctrines, values, myths, and institutions that are not normally thought of as political. The state as Antonio Gramsci noted, is “only the outer ditch behind which there (stands) a powerful system of fortresses and earthworks.” These supportive institutions help create the ideology that transforms a ruling-class interest into a “general interest,” justifying existing class relations as natural and optimal societal arrangements. Along with monopoly capital, we have monopoly culture.
Those persons who believe the United States is a “pluralistic” society resist the notion of a ruling-class monopoly culture. They see social institutions as autonomous configurations, innocent of any linkage to business power and the state. They treat culture as something distinctly separate from – and even competitive with – politics. They talk about keeping the arts, sciences, foundations, schools, professions, churches, and media free of the taint of political ideologies. Since the pluralist do not believe the corporate wealth dominate the political arena, they certainly are not about to think it dominates cultural life.
A closer look reveals that institutions such as the media, publishing houses, sports and entertainment enterprises, and most hospitals are not merely influenced by business ideology but are themselves profit-making corporate conglomerates. Further more, nonprofit cultural institutions like schools, museums, scientific and research associations, foundations and universities are rules much like the profit-making ones – by boards of directors (or trustees or regents), drawn mostly from the big-business class or those in the pay of that class. Those boards have final say over the institution’s system of rewards and punishments, its budget and personnel, its investments and purposes. They exercise power either by occupying the top positions or hiring and firing those who do. Their power to change the institution’s management if it does not perform as they desire is what gives them control.
The boards of directors exercise authority not by popular demand but by state charter. Incorporated by the state, they can call upon the courts and the police to enforce their decisions against the competing claims of staff, clients, or other constituents. Those boards are non-elected, self-selected, self-perpetuating ruling coteries if affluent persons who are answerable to no one but themselves. They are checked by no internal electoral system, no position parties, no accountability to the institution’s rank and file or the public, whose lives they might affect with their decisions. “when the state act to protect their authority, it does so through the property system; that is, it recognizes the corporation as the private property of some determinate group of men and it protects their right to do, within legal limits, what they please with their property.” Yet, institutions so ruled are said to be the mainstay of democratic pluralism.
In a word, the cultural order is not independent of the business system. Nor are institutions independent of each other, being owned outright or directly controlled by the more active members of the business class in what amounts to a system of interlocking and often interchanging directorates. We know of more than one business leader who not only presides over a bank or corporation but has served as a cabinet member in Washington, is a regent of a large university, a trustee of a civic art center, and, at one time or another, a member of the board of major newspaper, a church, a foundation, or a television network.
This confluence of the business class with state and cultural developed markedly during the latter part of the nineteenth century, as capitalism came to maturity and capitalists moved to achieve a cultural hegemony to shore up their economic dominance. As one historian describes it:

In short order the railroad presidents, copper barons, the big dry-goods merchants and the steel masters become Senators, ruling the highest councils of the national government… but they also became in even greater number lay leader of churches, trustees of universities, partners or owners of newspapers or press services and figures of fashionable, cultured society. And through all these channels they labored to advance their policies and principles.

With command over organized structure, personnel, and budget comes command over the practices and content of the institution. Those who call the tune may not be able to exercise perfect control over every note that is played, but individuals who stray too far from the score, who create too much cacophony, eventually find themselves without pay or position. Along with the punishments for dissent there are the rewards for compliance – the grants, fellowships, commissioned studies, honorary awards, special programmers, top appointments, conference invitations, fat lecture fees, junkets, and other such enticements. Let us consider some “nonpolitical” institutions.

[ 本帖最后由 wmz11 于 2007-5-31 23:00 编辑 ]

my117 · 发表于 2007-4-22 10:05

同上

对外经济贸易大学
2004攻读硕士学位研究生入学考试
专业英语(B)试题
I define the following terms in English. (16%)
1.       trade diversion
2.       product portfolio
3.       product life cycle
4.       concessionary finance
5.       Maastricht Treaty
6.       fundamental disequilibrium
7.       high-context culture
8.       cartel
II Read the following passage and choose a sentence from the list (A-J) to fill in the gaps below: (24%)
In terms of pure quantity of research and debate, business schools have performed amazingly in promoting management as a distinctive activity. 1) ____It is unclear yet how much of it will stand the test of time, but for sheer industry, the business schools deserve credit. Not a day goes by without another wave of research papers, books, articles and journals.
In these terms, schools have produced a generally accepted theoretical basis for management. When it comes to knowledge creation, however they find themselves in difficulties. 2) ____The desire to establish management as a credible discipline leads to research that panders to traditional academic criteria. The problem for business school researchers is that they seek the approval of their academic peers rather than the business community. 3) ____But they fail to add one iota to the real sum of human knowledge.
Business schools have too often allowed the constraints of the academic world to cloud their view of the real world. Business schools researchers seek provable theories -----rather than helpful theories. They have championed a prescriptive approach to management based on analysis and, more recently, on fashionable ideas that soon disappear into the ether. The ‘one best way’ approach encourages researchers to mould idiosyncrasies of managerial reality into their tightly defined models of behavior. Figures and statistics are fitted into liner equations and tiny models. 4) ____
Central to this is the tension between relevance and rigor. In a perfect world, there would be no need to choose between the two. 5) ____ In other words, it is often easier to pursue quantifiable objectives than it is to add anything useful to the debate about management. To a large extent, the entire business system works against useful, knowledge-creating research. Academics have five years in which to prove themselves if they are to make the academic grade. It seems long enough. But it can take two or there years to get into a suitable journal. They therefore have around there years, probably less, to come with an area of interest and carry out meaningful and original research. 6) ____ the temptation must be sliced up old data in new ways rather than pursue genuinely ground-breaking, innovative research.
It is a criticism also made by some business school insiders. “Academic journals tend to find more and more techniques for testing more and more obscure theories. 7) ____ There have to be a backlash,” says Julian Birkisaw of London Business School. In large part, the problem goes back to a time when business schools were trying to establish themselves. Up until the 1960s, American business schools were dismissed as pseudo-academic institutions. Other academic institutions, including the universities of which they often formed a part, regarded them as little more than vocational colleges. 8) ____ however, it is questionable whether those changes have gone far enough.
1.But in the business school world, the need to satisfy academic criteria and be published in journals often tilts the balance away from relevance.
2.No other discipline has produced as much in such a short period.
3.The theories of management produced by business schools are contradictory.
4.This is a demanding time scale.
5.They are caught between the need for academic rigor and for real world business relevance, which tend to pull in opposite direction’
6.Since then, moist of the leading schools have undergone major reassessments and introduced sweeping changes.
7.The business school system causes academics to concentrate on very narrow fields of study.
8.They are asking trivial questions and answering them exactly.
9.Economists and other social scientists label this as curve smoothing. Meanwhile, reality continually refuses to cooperate.
10.In the United States this has led to the sort of grand ‘paper clip counting’ exercises that meet demands foe academic rigor.

III. Read the article below and answer the questions that follow: (25%)
To revalue or not to revalue,
That is the question
by Satya J. Gabriel
Why do top US economic officials, such as Fed Chair Alan Greenspan and Treasury Secretary John Snow, want their Chinese counterparts to revalue the yuan (renmingbi)? American officials and a wide rage of American economists argued that yuan is undervalued vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar (to which the yuan is pegged at a rate of approximately 8.28 yuan per dollar). The basis for their argument that the renmingbi (RMB) is undervalued is the very large trade surplus that China has with the United States and the concomitant buildup of dollar based asset reserves of China’s central bank, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), and other financial institutions. China has accumulated about $350 billion in foreign currency reserves and over $122 billion in U.S. government bonds. In other words, China is using its trade imbalance with United States to become one of the biggest creditors to the U.S. government. This provides the Chinese government with a significant amount of leverage over the U.S. government.

And there’s the rub. This is why the trade imbalance is a problem. Indeed, Japan and Germany have had a similar relationship with the United States, using the trading imbalance as the basis for accumulating U.S. government bonds and then using their bonds holdings as a lever to “encourage the U.S. government to take policy stands that were more to their liking. Japan’s central bank still holds more U.S. government bonds than any other no-U.S. institution and the total value of Japanese institutional holdings of U.S. government bonds are more than three and a half times those of China, indicating a much longer-term drain of dollars from the U.S. to Japan than anything yet experienced between the U.S. and China. If for some reason the Japanese central bank decided it didn’t want U.S. government bonds anymore and dumped its holdings onto the market the impact on bond prices (and interest rates) would be quick and devastating to the U.S. economy. There no reason to assume that Japanese officials would do such a thing. After all, Japan is still an ally of the United States. China, on the other hand, is not. Indeed, China is perceived in Washington D.C. as the only potential rival to the U.S. global hegemony.

This being the case, it is not difficult to understand why is might be of concern to policy makers in the United States that China is becoming such a huge creditor nation. But there are other reasons for the U.S. government officials, especially Fed Chair Greenspan and Treasury Secretary Snow, to complain about Chinese government economic policies. The U.S. economy continues to grow at a sluggish pace, at best, and jobs continue to disappear. Indeed, it is only because a recession is defined by output declines, rather than employment declines, that the U.S. economy is officially in recovery. It certainly does not feel like much of a recovery to most “blue collar” workers. It was not that long ago that the primary target of official scapegoating was Japan. It was Japanese who were taking good American jobs. And even more recently it was the Mexicans. But now there is a much better target. China. The Chinese are not playing fair. They are taking good American jobs by keeping their currency too cheap. Never mind that current economic ills can be traced to decisions made by U.S. state officials, in particular the Federal Reserve Open Market Committee, headed by Alan Greenspan, when they decided in the waning weeks of the Clinton presidency to trigger a recession by raising interest rates. It took a lot to slow down the Clinton economic boom, too much perhaps. The Fed raised rates far too aggressively and when the economic slowdown finally came it proved far more resistant to reversal than might have been anticipated by Fed officials who had come to believe all the rhetoric about what fantastic economists they were. After repeatedly lowering interest rates and jawboning the Fed has done little more than stimulate a housing boom (and perhaps mild speculative bubble in housing prices).
The fact that U.S. policy makers might want to find a scapegoat does not, however, means that Chinese government policies have no role to play in the current economic environment in the U.S. but is it the negative role that those policy makers indicate it to be? The argument is that a yuan results in lower unit costs for Chinese manufacturers (including American and European transitional manufacturing in china), which allows for low price exports to the U.S. These low priced exports displaced higher priced American goods, inventories buildup at U.S. factories, and the result is layoffs or, even worse, plant closing. Thus it is argued that Chinese officials are responsible for job losses in the U.S. there are two very obvious problems with this argument. One of the problems was made clear by Greenspan himself, although perhaps he was not aware of the contradiction. He pointed out the increasing importance of the information economy to future economic growth. To the U.S. economy has already shifted from manufacturing to information technology, cheap imports of shirts, toys, and other labor-intensive, low-tech goods from China do not pose a serious threat to future U.S. growth. If the problem is insufficient demand for existing information technology, then this problem was exacerbated by the Fed’s successful attempts to slow the U.S. economy and the related bursting of the speculative bubbles in information technology and telecommunications. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the Chinese government policy of buying heavily in the U.S. debt market has contributed to much lower interest rates than would otherwise prevail. Those low interest rates have been instrumental in keeping the U.S. economy from falling further and faster, including stimulating the afore mentioned boom in housing,

In other words, public policies formulated in Beijing have actually beneficial to the U.S. economy. Furthermore, cheap Chinese-made exports into the U.S. economy, the ire of the U.S. government officials and politicians, have benefited American consumers. The effect of lower priced consumer goods is to increase the real income of those consumers. They can buy more, live better, than without these low cost imported goods. The money saved in goods made in china may, in fact, result in higher purchases of the more capital (and knowledge) intensive goods manufactured in the United States, not to mention stimulating more spending in on services and other goods that generate jobs in the domestic economy. It is, therefore, not quite so clear that an undervalued yuan (if, indeed, it is undervalued) is a zero sum game.

Is the yuan undervalued? This is also as straightforward as it might seem. Yes, China is a trade surplus with the United States because of the demand for low priced Chinese-made goods. However, the low cost of Chinese goods is not simply a result of the value of RMB. Low unit costs are the result of relatively low dollar cost labor in China. It is quite likely that wages in China are higher, not lower, in dollar terms than would be the case with significantly less government (bureaucratic) intervention. On the one hand, if the Chinese government dramatically expanded the trading band for RMB, such that a lot fewer yuan could be used to buy a U.S. dollar, then this would place upward pressure on the average dollar wage in China. However the Chinese government could also stop artificially propping up yuan wages by using bureaucratic mechanisms, including keeping a lot more people employed than are needed in state-owned enterprises and within the government bureaucracy, with the result being a sharp fall in yuan wages. The raise in the dollar value of the yuan might be more than compensated foe by a fall in the yuan wage resulting in a lower dollar wage for Chinese workers and even lower unit costs than currently prevail. It would still be cheaper for Americans to buy Chinese goods.

However, it is likely that any shift in government policy that allowed a much higher rate of unemployment and lower wages would seriously damage the domestic Chinese economy, create political instability, and halt the growth machine. A shape slowdown in the Chinese economy , coupled with increased political instability, would like to cause the yuan to depreciate within the new trading range. It is interesting that those who argue for a free floating yuan (let the market determine the exchange rate) usually argue for less Chinese government involvement in other aspects of their economy, including the labor market. A worse case scenario would be to float the RMB while simultaneously eliminating the institutional impediments to more sharply rising unemployment. A repeat of the 1997-1998 Asian economic crisis would be, under that scenario, an optimistic outcome.

At the end of the day, Chinese authorities will probably do the right thing and drag their feet on the question of revaluation, much less the issue of a free floating exchange rate. They recognize that their actions during the Asian economic crisis, keeping the peg, gained them a great deal of credibility and have been beneficial to China’s economic growth and development. This is not something that the leaders in Beijing are likely to give up easily or any time soon.

The fact is that American and European investors and transnationals are likely to speed up their involvement in the Chinese economy. Both portfolio investors and firms engaged in direct investment in the Chinese economy would have a positive incentive to shift more resources into China while the yuan is relatively cheap, if they expect a higher dollar cost to such investments in the future. Thus, it may actually benefit the Chinese economy to have such expectations raised. At least this is the case as long as those expectations are not met.

Questions;
1.       Top U.S. economic officials argue that the yuan is undervalued vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar. What is the basis for their argument?
2.       In what ways is their argument unreasonable according to the author?
3.       Why do policy makers in the United States worry so much as China is becoming one of the biggest creditors to the United States?
4.       Please explain why China’s economic policies have actually beneficial to the U.S. economy?
5.       There seems to be an irony of all this debate. What is that irony?
IV.       E-C Translation (25%)
On the vertical axis are the economic and technological forces that may promote economic globalization via market integration, including the ability to transport goods or communicate information across distances at higher speed and lower cost. These tangible and physical elements are labeled as flesh. They include shipping or power technologies, such as steam engines used in ships and trains, as well as new and better communication devices like the telegraph, telephone or internet.
On the horizontal axis are the political and the institutional forces that may reinforce or inhibit said globalization. Those forces are called spirit, as a reference to the intangible quality of the underlying thinking in which the tangible mechanisms are embedded. At the simplest level one can think here of trade policies, capital controls, immigration restrictions affecting markets for goods and factors: but this dimension also includes a broader array of legal and customary devices that provide public goods such as the security if property rights, contract enforcement, stable and predictable monetary and fiscal policies, and freedom from bribery, corruption, or the diversion of resources through rent-seeking. According to this schema, and in agreement with the view that the twenties century has been on the whole an aberrant period of de-globalization, it is claimed that the history of the world economy has been far from linear, and if anything somewhat circular. But we must set aside any temptation to get Hegelian: e have not come full circle, or are we likely to.
  World begins for these purposes, n the upper left cell of the matrix in the distant past, with both types of forces operating only weakly to promote globalization. The technologies for integrating markets are rudimentary and the political and institutional umbrellas covering trade were flimsy; as a result it simply cost too much to move goods or factors between distant locations. By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, some of those forces had begun to shift, but the institutional and political changes should be emphasized over the technological at this juncture: a movement from the top left to the top right cell in the matrix. Transport and navigational technologies had improved very little, with dogged persistence rather than innovation permitting the fledgling opening of trade between the continents. But institutional bases for trade did not change.
The experience of this initial period, and the era what one hesitate to call proto-globalization, was by no means uniform, and significant developments in the relationship between states and markets conditioned the evolution of the commerce and economic growth in different locations.

V.  C-E Translation (30%)
在当前经济形势下，汇率稳定有利于我国经济发展，但针对人民币升值压力，我国应做出必要的战略调整。
从客观上看，保持人民币汇率稳定，坚持人民币不升至有利有弊。其中弊端在于会鼓励过渡出口和过度利用外资，美元资产的大量积累也会导致国内外汇市场不稳定和国际热钱的流入。此外，人民币汇率稳定也是人民币货币供应控制难度的加大，人民币汇率手段难以启用。
汇率不是影响经济发展的主要因素。对于一个自主型经济体而言，汇率只是诸多应考虑的经济变量之一，但它不是最重要的。实践证明，亚洲金融危机中我国坚持人民币不贬值，并没有影响GDP的增长速度。汇率稳定本身就是宏观经济发展值得追求的目标。在汇率水平、汇率形成制度和汇率稳定三个方面，优先考虑的顺序应是:稳定、制度、水平，汇率稳定最重要。另外，汇率的决定是一个非常浮渣的过程，我们至今还未能够完全把握它的决定因素及各因素间的相互关系。对中国这样的大国而言，判断汇率是否合适的主要标准是国内经济状况，关键是看国内经济在这种汇率水平下的运行状况和经济发展的可持续性。
面对人民币甚至压力，今后一段时间应作出的战略调整包括:一是逐步放宽资本项目管制，让国内的企业“走出去”，允许大家购买国外的股票和债券以及放开其他资本项目；二是调整出口退税政策，弱化出口压力；三是在对外战略上，要改变“出口创汇”光荣的传统理念，改变片面吸收外资战略；四是“对冲”外汇储备，增加对货币供应的压力；五是弱化短期外债增加带来的投机压力；六是扩大汇率浮动幅度或改为盯住“一揽子”；七是逐步增加汇率制度弹性。
VI  Memorandum Wring (30%)
Write a business memorandum for internal circulation purpose.
Suppose you work with a Sino-American joint venture company based in Beijing. It is today, and you have received an e-mail from your vice-president in charge of sales, who has been in holiday back in the United States. In the message, he asks you to tell him about the sales meeting held two days ago. As the leader of the corporate sales team, you organized the meeting, at which all the participates analyzed the competitive market, worked out some important strategies to promote sales, and divided work in the team.
Now write the requested memo to your vice president for sales, noting the following points:
1 Memo content to be considered:
   1) Market analysis
2) Sales strategies
3) Division of work
  2 miscellaneous requirements:
1) Using the format for a general memo
   2) Writing the memo in 300-350 words
   3) Making up names, titles or other details wherever necessary