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highbright122
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感觉中山大学的比较难。



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北雁南飞
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好!
褶子辛苦了~~~



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江山行
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南开大学有人文地理吗
我怎么找不到呢



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薇拉飞翔
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好难的样子
我这点高中基础,要看下去,要下苦工才行,希望各位朋友支持。谢谢。



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highbright122
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我还有浙江大学的人文地理试题,以前的,



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来自 河北师范大学
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xiexie



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不为冬雪留恋,一切随风;
        不为春花企盼,一切随缘。
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南开大学
2000中外经济地理
    一、我国政府现行的区域经济政策能否有效地解决中西部地区的
发展问题?为什么?  (25分)
    二、近年来我国国民经济发展中所面临的需求不足问题是由哪些
原因造成的?能否从经济地理学的角度提出一些解决的办法?(25分)
    三、比较我国与日本在石油化学工业布局上的差异,并阐述我国
石油化学工业建设低水平重复的原因。(25分)
    四、高科技产业的国际分工具有那些特点?我国台湾省在电脑芯
片、主板及其他零配件制造方面占据优势的原因主要是什么?(23)
   
99中外经济地理
    一、改革开放以来我国人口迁移的特点是什么?主
  要受到哪些因素制约?国家最近放宽对人口迁移的限制将
  会产生什么样的效果?  (25分)
    二、跨国公司在我国的投资主要分布在哪些地区?
  对我国的生产力布局将产生什么样的影响?  (25分)
    三、东南亚金融危机与国际间的资本流动有何联系?
  我国在大量引进外资的同时,应如何避免金融危机的风
  险?  (25分)
    四、我国的北京、上海等重要城市当前与纽约、伦
  敦、巴黎、东京等“世界城市”之间在发展上存在哪些差
  距?应采取哪些措施来缩小这些差距?  (25分)


2000人文地理学
一、简答题(每题10分)
    1.现代社会人地关系的基本特征是什么?
    2.高速公路建设对生产布局会产生哪些影响?
    3.中心地理论在人文地理学理论体系中具有什么样的地位?
    4.  “国家有机体”学说是否有其合理的一面?
二、问答题(任选二题,每题30分)
    1.以梅塞德斯—戴姆勒(奔驰)公司与克莱斯勒公司合并为例,
  论述经济地理学在全球经济一体化时代所面临的新任务。
    2.简述可持续发展理论的主要内容,并从人地关系的角度论述人
  类实现可持续发展的重要性。
    3.就八十年代未以来前苏联、东欧政治地图的变化,论述一个大
  国或国家集团在国际竞争中取得优势的主要因素。

99人文地理学
一、简答题(任选两题,每题10分)
    1.CBD在特大城市的社会经济发展中起到了哪些重要作
    用?
    2.地理信息系统技术的发展将对人文地理学的发展起
    到哪些促进作用?
    3.市、镇、村一般应如何划分?
二、问答题(一、二题必做,每题25分,三、四题任选一
    题,30分)
    1.70年代初的“石油危机”是如何发生的?困扰人类
    的“资源危机”当前是否已经得到了缓解?为什么?
    2.旅游地主要有哪些类型?试举例说明旅游地规划开
    发时应注意的主要问题?
    3.地缘政治学作为政治地理学的一个重要流派,对政治
    地理学的发展起了哪些重要作用?其自身存在着哪
    些不足?
    4.行为论在人文地理学的发展中具有什么样的地位?
    在经济地理学的研究中应如何运用行为论的方法?



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同济大学2004城规原理
一、  简答题(200字以内,每题10分)
1.  居住区各用地的界线划定的一般原则
2.  居住区规划设计可以有哪些生态考虑
3.  城市主导产业的特点
4.  城市总体布局的一般原则
5.  城镇体系和区域中对城市建设条件的评价的内容
6.  区域增长极核理论及对我国区域发展的借鉴
7.  元大都在哪些方面体现了《周理·考工记》
8.  简述中世纪意大利城市的主要特征
9.  历史街区保护整治与旧城更新的关系
二、  论述题(500字以内,每题20分)
1.  从城市公共空间系统分析现在住宅区规划与建设的负面影响
2.  结合实例论述如何处理近期建设与远景控制的关系
3.  现代城市规划体系结构及其特征

2003城规原理
一、简答题(200字以内,每题10分)
1.  简述居住区生活环境质量与居住区规划综合技术经济指标的关系
2.  工业用地布局主要原则
3.  图示城市形态的几种主要类型及其形成原因
4.  马丘比丘宪章比雅典宪章在思想上的进步
5.  区域增长极核产生条件
6.  以图示方式城市土地极差地租理论分析城市土地同心圆模式
7.  隋唐长安规划要点
8.  城与廓的概念
9.  中国历史文化名城保护层次及主要内容
二、论述题(500字以内,每题20分)
1.  城市公共活动空间的规划设计目标是什么,可通过那些规划设计途径来提高它的品质
2.  目前城市总体规划中近期规划内容、方式、作用方面存在的问题及如何改善
论述城市开发控制的各种作用机制及其相互关系


2002年同济大学——城市规划原理试题
1.《周礼考工记》对古代都市规划的影响(此题2001年也考过)
2.划定历史保护街区的条件
3.区域空间结构演变各个阶段的主要特征
4.都市区规划的基本概念
5.城市规划实施的管理体制
6.土地使用开发强度的考虑因素
7.土地适用性评定的考虑因素
8.我国总体规划编制过程存在的问题
9.城市设计与开发控制的关系。
后5道题中有两题15分,余每题10分。


《城规原理》2001年试题
简答:
1,控制性详细规划中容积率、建筑密度、建筑高度三者之间的关系。
2、城市土地区位对于土地用途的影响。
3、《周礼·考工记》对我国古代都市规划的影响。
4、中世纪西欧城市的主要特征。
5、城市历史保护与旧城更新改造的关系。
6、中心地理论中市场原则支配下的中心地网络特征。
论述; 、
1.  你对城市设计概念的理解,谈谈在规划控制中如何运用城市设计的概念
2.  我国城市化发展的特征,小城镇发展的意义。


1999城市规划原理试题
一、专业名词解释:(每个3分,共30分)
1、住宅区 2、社区 3、城市结构 4、城市形态 5、区位 6、区划(zoning) 7、区域规划 8、土地开发 9、城市开发 10、“一书两证”
二、论述题:(每题10分,共70分)
1、城市土地使用分类及兼容控制的意义。
2、城市设计的作用。
3、列举并简析影响居住区环境质量的要素。
4、科析城市建设中市场导向的对立和统一。
5、我国分几批公布了多少个历史文化名城?
6、我国宋与唐代相比较,在城市建设发展上有哪些重要的变化?简析其原因。
7、法国巴黎拿破仑第三和欧斯曼规划的主要内容及其对后世的影响。


同 济大学1999硕士入学城市规划原理试题
科目代码:319
科目名称:城市规划原理
一、专业名词解释:(每个3分,共30分)
1、住宅区  2、社区  3、城市结构  4、城市形态  5、区位  6、区划(zoning)  7、区域规划  8、土地开发  9、城市开发  10、“一书两证”

二、论述题:(每题10分,共70分)
1、城市土地使用分类及兼容控制的意义。
2、城市设计的作用。
3、列举并简析影响居住区环境质量的要素。
4、科析城市建设中市场导向的对立和统一。
5、我国分几批公布了多少个历史文化名城?
6、我国宋与唐代相比较,在城市建设发展上有哪些重要的变化?简析其原因。
7、法国巴黎拿破仑第三和欧斯曼规划的主要内容及其对后世的影响。



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华中师范大学城环学院自然地理专业
2003年硕士研究生复试试题





一、  地球运动有哪些地理意义?(16分)

二、  季风对我国东部降水有何影响?(16分)

三、  地球水循环与人类水资源供应有何联系?(16分)

四、  生态因子怎样影响生物种群增长?(16分)

五、  人类活动对地理环境变化有何影响?(16分)

六、英译汉(20分)

*注意:1 括号中系有下划线的词或短语对应的中文含义;

2 人名(黑体)不必译成中文。


Ecological Economics and Sustainability

Perhaps the most salient(突出的,显著的) contribution of ecological economics is its challenge to many of the fundamental precepts(戒律,格言) of neoclassical(新古典主义的) economic theory. In the view advocated by ecological economists, an economy is a ‘one-way entropic throughput of energy and materials(耗散过程)’ as opposed to the neoclassical view of a circular flow of exchange value without any explicit links to the biophysical world. The central aim of ecological economics involves describing the relationship between ‘dynamic human economic systems and larger dynamic, but normally slower-changing ecological systems’. In its normative(标准的,规范的) sense, this relationship envisions a socio-ecological context wherein ‘(1) human life can continue indefinitely, (2) human individuals can flourish(充分发展), and (3) human cultures can develop; but in which effects of human activities remain within bounds, so as not to destroy the diversity, complexity, and function of the ecological life support system’. With few variants(变体,变种), the themes implicit in this definition – intergenerational equity, meeting basic human needs and integrating concern for ecological processes into economic calculations – have remained the fundamental building blocks of ecological economics.

The notion of intergenerational equity challenges some of the central assumptions of conventional economic thinking. As a result of ecological economists’ efforts ‘to understand how to approach growth policy in a way that would not impoverish the future’, some time-tested tools of economics have come under fire. For example, the idea of intergenerational equity confronts the use of discount rates in economic analyses. Making intergenerational equity a primary goal also carries salient normative implications. One path towards operationalizing sustainability is a constructed social order consisting of an ‘intertemporal contract’ based on the precepts of regency(摄政) and social bequests(遗产).

Ecological economists’ dialog on intergenerational equity is abetted(煽动,支持) by arguments for intra-generational equity and meeting the basic needs of current human societies. One manifestation of this concern is Goodland and Daly’s call for a clear distinction between economic growth and economic development. Along these lines, reforming economic processes and reducing the socioeconomic ills associated with uneven development would entail(vt. 必需) a shift away from neoliberal visions of global economic integration to a focus on domestic production to develop internal markets. There is also an emerging challenge to how mainstream environmental and resource economics treat the environment-poverty nexus(关系). The assumption that only rich countries exhibit environmental awareness ignores an ‘environmentalism of the poor’ which seeks to maintain access to communal(公共的) resources under threat from state development programs and market processes.


Another broad thrust in ecological economics is the argument that operationalizing sustainability demands redirecting economic and environmental policies to ensure a nondepleting stock of natural capital. Environmental valuation has emerged as the primary method of accomplishing such a transition by inserting awareness over ecological entities and services into the calculus(计算) of economic well-being(福利). Costanza advocates a ‘biophysical basis for value’ that argues societal values should be based on the degree to which a particular evolutionary product is organized in terms of availability for human use. Carrying this argument to its logical conclusion, one interdisciplinary team of researchers uses valuation techniques to place the total value of the planet’s ecosystem goods in the neighborhood of US$33 trillion(兆万亿) per year. A similar logic could be applied to the value of ‘sustaining services’ within the overall production process. In addition to environmental valuation, ecological economists offer several related policy recommendations aimed primarily at governmental and multilateral(多边的) development institutions. These include reform of national accounting systems to include natural capital in economic calculations; green taxes on ecologically harmful economic activities linked to lower taxes on labor and income; investment strategies to maintain natural capital at current levels; and endorsement of the ‘precautionary principle’ as central tenet(宗旨)of environmental policy.



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华中师范大学城市与环境科学学院
人文地理专业硕士生复试题



答题要求:

1、   总分100分。

2、   答卷要求打印。无条件打印者,必须卷面整洁,字迹清楚;

3、   论述题的回答每个不得少于1500字,且必须条理清晰、观点明确、言之成理、持之有据,重要参考文献须注明。



一、    将下面的英文翻译成中文 (20分)


The period from the fifth to the fifteenth century was one of sporadic and limited geographic work in Europe. Elsewhere, however, especially in the Islamic world and China, geography flowered. Again, what we find is a close relationship between geography on the one hand and societies experiencing expansion, and hence a thirst for geographic knowledge, on the other.

Medieval Europeans knew little beyond their immediate domain as geographic horizons retreated and mapping deteriorated. Many of the advances made by the Greeks were lost and it was only in monasteries that serious geographic work continued. During the Middle Ages, geography as such no longer existed; the word “geography” did not enter the English language until the sixteenth century. The clearest evidence of decline relates to maps. Greek maps were drawn by scholars with expertise in astronomy, geometry, and mathematics. Medieval map makers, although scholarly, are less easily described. Their maps were symbolic, not geographic. They stylized geographic reality to arrive at a predetermined desired structure. These maps are less detailed and accurate than maps produced some 1,500 years earlier. The best example is the twelfth to the fifteenth century's T-O maps, which are a T drawn within an O. T-O maps show the world as a circle divided by a T-shaped body of water. East is at the top of the map. Above the T is Asia, below left is Europe, and below right is Africa. The cross of the T is the Danube--Nile axis and the perpendicular part of the T is the Mediterranean. These maps are ones of scriptural dogma; what was drawn was what Christians were expected to believe. Symbols triumphed over facts. A second type of medieval map divided the world into climatic zones, largely hypothetical, on either side of the equator. Other medieval maps were replete with decoration; the Ebstorf Mappemonde (c.1284) had as background a picture of the crucifixion, while the Hereford map (c. 1 300) is really an encyclopedia. Overall, medieval maps reflect medieval European geography, which, in turn, reflects medieval scholarship. Possibly the exceptions are the maps known as Portolano charts, which date from about 1300. These maps were used at sea and utilized a series of radiating lines. The lines did not serve to locate positions on the map, nor did the maps use any projection. Nevertheless these maps often succeeded in locating coastlines accurately.

Medieval Europeans made very few additions to geographic knowledge. Norsemen sailed to Greenland and North America, but no books resulted. Christian Europeans indulged in a series of crusades and military invasions to the Holy Land, but the result, as far as geographic knowledge was concerned, was minimal. The most significant exploratory journey was that of Marco Polo (1254-1323), a Venetian who visited China and wrote a description of the places he visited. However, Marco Polo was unable to add to Greek knowledge because he was largely unaware of it. The distinction is not always an easy one, but Marco Polo was an explorer, not a geographer. It was outside Europe that the major geographic advances took place during the period after the Greeks and prior to the fifteenth century. Two contributions need to be noted.

In China, a great civilization, clearly the parent of contemporary China, developed before 2000 BC. The longest-lasting civilization in the world, China inevitably made major contributions to geographic knowledge. Chinese writings describing their known world date back to at least the fifth century BC. The Chinese also explored and described areas beyond China; in 128 BC, for example, Chang Chi’en discovered the Mediterranean region, described his travels, and initiated a trade route. Other Chinese geographers reached India, central Asia, Rome, and Paris. Indeed, Chinese travelers reached Europe prior to the travels of Marco Polo. There is one important aspect in which early Chinese geography differed from the European equivalent. It is a difference of geographic perspective, that is, a different way of looking at the world. Traditionally, Chinese culture views the individual as a part of nature whereas Greek and subsequent European culture typically view the individual as apart from nature. This distinction is closely tied to the differing attitudes incorporated in Confucianism (which dates from about the sixth century BC) and Christianity. Given the concern with humans and land as one, it is evident that Chinese descriptive geographies often focused on an integrated human and physical description. Maps were also central to geography in China. There is evidence of a grid system used during the Han dynasty (third century BC to third century AD). It appears that the Chinese map makers began as civil servants whose job it was to draw and revise maps. Viewed in this light, the map maker was an important individual in the service of the state. Maps were symbolic statements, asserting ownership of some territory.

The second contribution to geography outside Europe came from the Islamic world. The religion of Islam began in the seventh century AD (the prophet Muhammad died in 632) and very quickly proved to be a powerful unifying force of previously disparate tribes. Consequently; at much the same time as Europe was immersed in the Dark Ages, civilization flowered in Arabia. Conquests beyond the Arab region commenced, increasing the geographic knowledge base to include north Africa, the Iberian Peninsula, and India. By the ninth century, Islamic geographers were recalculating the circumference of the earth. From then until the fifteenth century, a wealth of geographic writings and maps was produced based on earlier Greek work and Islamic travels. Geographic descriptions included that by Edrisi (1099-1180), whose book on world geography corrected many of the errors contained in the work of Ptolemy. Perhaps the best-known traveler was ibn-Batata (1304-c.1368), who journeyed extensively in Europe, Asia, and Africa. A third major addition to geography came from ibn-Khaldun (1332-1406), a historian who wrote extensively about the relations between humans and the environment. Maps produced by Islamic geographers, including Edrisi, centered on Arabia.

Chinese and Islamic geography prior to the fifteenth century were roughly comparable to Greek geography. Mathematical and literary traditions were evident and map making was central to most geographic endeavors. Both descriptions and maps had horizons that corresponded to the knowledge and needs of particular societies.



二、    人文地理学传统与创新之我见 (40分)



三、    恩格思在《自然辩证法·导言》中指出:“我们不要过分陶醉于我们对自然界的胜利。对於每一次这样的胜利,自然界都对我们进行了报复。每一次胜利,在第一线都确实取得了预期的结果,但是在第二线和第三线却有了完全不同的、出乎意料的影响,它常常把第一个结果重新取消” 。请认真分析这段话中每一句话的深刻涵义,利用所学人文地理学知识,从人地相互作用和可持续发展等方面论述其科学意义。(40分)



※ 来源:考研论坛 bbs.kaoyan.com
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课程与教学论专业地理学科论方向复试试题


考生姓名               成绩                    阅卷教师            


一 论述题:每小题 20分

1  运用地理课程理论,说明现行中学地理课程的基本特征,并结合当前进行的“地理课程改革”,谈谈你的认识;

2         以一节中学地理教材为例,说明编制中学地理教材应坚持的基本原则;

3         联系实际说明影响学生地理课堂学习动机的主要因素,并论述激发学习动机的基本策略;

4         自选一段中学地理教材内容,设计3种或3种以上的教学策略,并说明设计思想(理由)。


二 专业外语(英译汉): 满分20分

Water Pollution

Everybody needs fresh water. Without water people, animals and plants cannot live. Although a few plants and animals can make do with saltwater, all humans need a constant supply of fresh water if they are to stay fit and healthy. Of the total supply of water on the Earth, only about 3 percent of it is fresh, and most of that is stored as ice and snow at the poles, or is so deep under the surface of the Earth that we cannot get to it. Despite so much of the water being out of reach, we still have a million cubic miles of it that we can use. That's about 4,300,000 cubic kilometers of fresh water to share out between most of the plants, animals and people on the planet.

Whether water is clean enough to use, or too polluted depends on many things such as where it is, whether there is enough for everyone to use, what we do with it, and how we deal with the water we have used before we let it run back to join the rivers and lakes.

The Developing World

In the developing world the biggest problem is the shortage of water and the lack of clean supplies. When water is very scarce people have to make good use of it. That might mean using the same source of water for drinking and cooking, a place to wash, a place to clean clothing, pots and pans and a place to let the farm animals drink as well.

The same water is used by many people for many different purposes, and each time the water becomes a little more polluted.

Imagine a river that is the only source of water for a series of farming villages along its banks. The people in the first village might be very careful and always get their drinking water from above the village, do all their washing a little further down stream, and let their animals drink in the river as it leaves their village. By being very careful and aware of basic hygiene they can try to stay healthy. They can do very little to protect themselves from dead animals decaying in the river further upstream, or from germs and parasites introduced to the water by wild animals. As the river leaves their village the water will have been polluted by washed bodies, food scraps from washed pots and pans, and body waste from the farm animals and village dwellers. The people in the next village will have to drink this polluted water, and will suffer from the diseases that accompany dirty water.  

If an animal dies and falls into the only water supply for miles around, the people still have to drink the water. If the water is thick with mud and snails, but is the only water within reach, people have to drink it. Whether the water source is a river, a lake or a well, the problems are similar throughout the developing world; little piped and sterilized water, and not enough water to go round means that the same source has to be used for everything, and the risk of pollution and disease is very high .



※ 来源:考研论坛 bbs.kaoyan.com
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UID 114770
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华中师范大学2003年硕士研究生
课程与教学论专业地理学科论方向复试试题


考生姓名               成绩                    阅卷教师            


一 论述题:每小题 20分

1  运用地理课程理论,说明现行中学地理课程的基本特征,并结合当前进行的“地理课程改革”,谈谈你的认识;

2         以一节中学地理教材为例,说明编制中学地理教材应坚持的基本原则;

3         联系实际说明影响学生地理课堂学习动机的主要因素,并论述激发学习动机的基本策略;

4         自选一段中学地理教材内容,设计3种或3种以上的教学策略,并说明设计思想(理由)。


二 专业外语(英译汉): 满分20分

Water Pollution

Everybody needs fresh water. Without water people, animals and plants cannot live. Although a few plants and animals can make do with saltwater, all humans need a constant supply of fresh water if they are to stay fit and healthy. Of the total supply of water on the Earth, only about 3 percent of it is fresh, and most of that is stored as ice and snow at the poles, or is so deep under the surface of the Earth that we cannot get to it. Despite so much of the water being out of reach, we still have a million cubic miles of it that we can use. That's about 4,300,000 cubic kilometers of fresh water to share out between most of the plants, animals and people on the planet.

Whether water is clean enough to use, or too polluted depends on many things such as where it is, whether there is enough for everyone to use, what we do with it, and how we deal with the water we have used before we let it run back to join the rivers and lakes.

The Developing World

In the developing world the biggest problem is the shortage of water and the lack of clean supplies. When water is very scarce people have to make good use of it. That might mean using the same source of water for drinking and cooking, a place to wash, a place to clean clothing, pots and pans and a place to let the farm animals drink as well.

The same water is used by many people for many different purposes, and each time the water becomes a little more polluted.

Imagine a river that is the only source of water for a series of farming villages along its banks. The people in the first village might be very careful and always get their drinking water from above the village, do all their washing a little further down stream, and let their animals drink in the river as it leaves their village. By being very careful and aware of basic hygiene they can try to stay healthy. They can do very little to protect themselves from dead animals decaying in the river further upstream, or from germs and parasites introduced to the water by wild animals. As the river leaves their village the water will have been polluted by washed bodies, food scraps from washed pots and pans, and body waste from the farm animals and village dwellers. The people in the next village will have to drink this polluted water, and will suffer from the diseases that accompany dirty water.  

If an animal dies and falls into the only water supply for miles around, the people still have to drink the water. If the water is thick with mud and snails, but is the only water within reach, people have to drink it. Whether the water source is a river, a lake or a well, the problems are similar throughout the developing world; little piped and sterilized water, and not enough water to go round means that the same source has to be used for everything, and the risk of pollution and disease is very high .



※ 来源:考研论坛 bbs.kaoyan.com
幸福的人每每相似,不幸的人各有各的苦情。。。
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华中师大城市与环境科学学院
2003年区域经济学专业研究生复试试题


一、简答题(共两题,每题15分)

(一)如何理解温家宝总理关于政府工作目标和施政纲领中的“城乡协调、东西互动”的区域经济发展构想。

(二)有人认为“区域经济学是一门优化生存空间的艺术”,你是否认同这种观点?为什么?

二、综合思考题(共三题,每题20分)

(一)1895年,一个居住在多尔顿市乔治亚小城的名叫凯瑟琳·伊万斯(Catherine Evans)的小女孩做了一件床罩作为婚礼的礼物。在当时看来,这是一个不同寻常的床罩,因为它是经过植毛制成的。植毛或植纱的手工艺品在18世纪和19世纪初期很常见,但到了那个时代已经过时。这件婚礼礼物的直接后果是,“二战”后,多尔顿脱颖而出,成为美国最主要的地毯制造中心。美国前20名地毯制造厂商中有6个位于多尔顿;另外14个除了一个之外其他的都位于多尔顿附近。多尔顿的地毯业及相关行业雇佣了1.9万工人。

地毯的故事不仅非常有趣,而且它事实上非常典型。在美国,制造业非常地方化;当你试图寻找地方化的原因时,你会发现它可以追溯到一些历史上看似微不足道的偶然事件。

当然,产业高度地方化的观察并不新鲜。相反,这是工业化过程中一个非常引人注目的特征,在19世纪末就引起了广泛的注意。请各位考生从区域经济学角度,分析产业地方化的原因。


(二)《经济学家》杂志社的英国学者弗朗西丝·凯恩克罗斯(Frances Cairncross),在她的《The death of distance: How communications revolution is changing our lives》一书中分析了一些信息时代最值得关注的重要发展变化趋势,例如:距离的消失,区位的淡化,连接的改善,移动性的增强,城市的新生等等。请各位考生从区域经济学的角度,谈谈对上述5种变化趋势的观点。


(三)请细心阅读下面的文献资料,再以填空形式回答三个问题。

假设最初有一家小服装厂,服装生产是竞争性很强的行业,这家工厂的老板A先生从经验得知,有些事对他是非常重要的:首先工厂要邻近批发商和零售小贩,因为他们是工厂产品的主要买主;其次他必须了解掌握服装流行款式的变化;然后手头还要掌握一定数量不同花色的原料和布匹;此外,他必须靠近劳动力市场,以便雇用到半熟练的缝纫女工。

A先生要经常观察他周围的世界并判断他个人与这个世界中的关系。区域科学家认为,人文生态系统包括占有空间和方位的活动,这些活动是由各种交通渠道连接的。由A先生所构成的这部分人文生态系统,主要就是一位80岁老妇和借给他的厂房。进出服装厂的主要定期交通有:

1.每天A先生从4英里以外的郊区住宅开一辆美洲虎牌小车到工厂上班。

2.A先生19岁的儿子小A先生也在厂里做事,每天开一辆小货车到工厂。

3.工厂里的20多个女工大多数住在2英里外的穷人区,每天到工厂上班,其中有的骑自行车,有的步行,还有一些则坐公共汽车。

4.小A先生开小货车到仓库跑材料,取布匹样品以及向批发商店和零售小贩推销工厂的新产品,次数频繁,但距离不超过2英里,其中大多数是在市中心附近活动,距离不超过1英里。

5.与客户间大量的电话联系,包括工厂、仓库、批发商、零售小贩等,距离多在10英里以内。

6.进入厂区的感官信息资料(Sense-data),包括无休止的交通噪声、灰色的天空、被污染的空气,这些构成了令人压抑的环境。A先生、小A先生以及厂里的工人,对这些已司空见惯、毫不在意。街上行人对工厂的活动也视若无睹、置若罔闻。厂内机器转动嘈杂、厂房破旧年久失修,虽然这些看起来刺眼,但当地都是这个样子,也就见怪不怪了,只有那辆小货车的出出进进,还多少使人多看几眼。

此外,进出工厂的还有自来水、电力、信件、包裹、排放的污水以及垃圾等。但上述这些已足够使人了解工厂活动系统的梗概了。

人的行为都是为了竞争,A先生也不例外,他观察周围的世界,不断的进行有利于自己(或只是他自己认为有利于自己)的调整。

他的行动有很多对于他的活动系统并无直接影响,所以无关痛痒,关键是他那些有影响的行动。假设经过一段时间之后,A先生发现雇用和留用工人变得越来越困难。他试图给工人加薪,但这样做只能短期奏效。现在他发现问题在于当地政府所进行的拆迁改建、建立低密度住宅区的计划,这不但减少了附近地区可雇用女工的数量,而且附近地区的房租也因之提高,迫使他们去找挣钱多点的工作。甚至那些对他忠心耿耿的老工人,也因为搬到郊外,平白增加了许多交通开支,所以只要能就近做工,他们也会辞职不干。

从下一个租赁期开始,A先生的房租可能会增加,因为市中心逐渐向他的工厂这一带发展,从而提高了该地区不动产的价值,基于同样的原因,停车费也会增加。怎么办呢?他必须对此采取积极的措施,既然厂里的职工和可供工厂招募的人都已搬走,使他想过也将工厂迁走,但这会远离时装款式流行的市中心,对他的客户、批发商和零售小贩不便。房租涨价会减少工厂的利润,因此他不得不寻找房租便宜的地方。自己建造厂房是不可能的,因为造价昂贵,要大动血本。迁到郊区,离家近些,上下班方便,但也省不了多少交通费,工厂还是要对外打电话,寄包裹等。小货车停车会方便一些,但小A先生往返行驶的路程稍远一点。

经过对各种可行方案的斟酌和再三考虑之后,他凭直觉对各种利弊加以权衡,最后决定迁厂。选点条件是离中心商业区不能太远,又要靠近工人居住区,房租也要比较便宜同时停车也要方便。他看了几个地方,最后选中了两幢并连式住宅,他打通了隔墙,修整了庭院。还好,规划当局也同意他将这处住房改为轻工业厂房,在房管部门的街区拆建计划中,这个地方也还暂时没挂上号。

与A先生新厂房为邻的,是位年近70岁的B老太太,她与儿子、儿媳住在一起。这里也是B老太太的出生地,当年电车场就在她家附近,从屋后放眼远眺,可看到田原尽处的小山,这些使B老太太总是难以忘怀。故世的B先生生前任某家保险公司子公司的经理,自他七年前病逝,B老太太就在市中心某商店里作营业员,以贴家计。她的儿子小B先生现年29岁,早年在某电力厂当学徒,出徒后一直在该厂工作。工厂离家大约6英里,他太太24岁,快要生小孩子了。小B先生每天骑机动脚踏车上班,同时还在进修企业管理,每星期有三个晚上要去工学院上课。他希望过得更好一些,买一部小汽车,到国外渡假。他太太曾向他建议重新买所房子(避着B老太讲的),因为这里居住条件每况愈下,况且若能自己家有个院子,会给孩子增加很多乐趣。

B老太太对此也有同感,只是羞于启齿明言她要和儿子、儿媳住在一起;再者离开这里,对她简直是一种折磨,她不愿意天天上班都走远路,人越老越容易疲倦;更重要的是这里有她的教堂、老朋友、老邻居、老人俱乐部,而且她在这里生活了一辈子,对这儿总有斩不断的千丝万缕的情怀。

A先生服装厂的迁来,使她不得不再次考虑这些问题。这里的环境真是越来越恶劣,噪声有增无减,大清早蓬头女工成群结队的来上班,那辆小货车终日停在门外,马达轰隆轰隆响个不停,不时还鸣几声丧命的喇叭,似乎发生了什么人命关天的大事。年轻的B太太(现在已是满月婴儿的妈妈),对此更是心烦意乱,因为孩子的睡梦总是被这些噪声吵醒。小B先生也很难安心读书,同时也在苦思如何安顿老母。经过多次合家计议,结果举家同意迁居。最好找一所带外廊的三居室新房,房租不能太贵,地点要适中。他们连续找了几个周末,看了登在报纸上的广告,也走访了房产公司,正好房产公司正在盖一栋这样的新房,地点距市中心不到7英里。虽然到市中心交通不太方便,但当地商业区也在发展,这样B老太太很可能在这附近也找到营业员的工作,这样老人家就可安步当车了。搬到这里对小B先生(他已顺利通过考试,不久就要提升)上班远了一点,路上要走10英里,而且道路弯曲,车辆也多。别处还有一所同样的房子,稍贵一些,但位置较好。最后促使他们选定这所房子的原因是政府在这里新建一条双车道马路,很快就要竣工。这样小B先生上班可抄近路,路上只需三英里。此外,聪明的小B想,这里位置好,房子以后肯定涨价。

小B太太未婚时喜欢打网球,现在孩子已六个月了,天气又不错,她球瘾复发,想再玩玩。邻居建议她加入当地的体育俱乐部,但却碰到一些困难。该俱乐部成立于20年代,地点适中,以后又连续多年投资修建了亭阁,翻新了房间、酒吧、舞厅、草坪和网球场等,设备齐全很吸引人。同时,由于人口增加,要入会的人就更多。其中网球协会压力最大,因为打网球比较普及,玩的人多,目前现有会员打网球也感到困难,吸收新会员又谈何容易呢?如何解决这个难题,俱乐部执委会也争论不休,再增设一个网球场吗?简直没考虑的余地,因为这要侵占停车场或曲棍球场,也有可能这两个都保不住。借用场地吗?也不可思议。再选地块新建球场吗?可用地块已所剩无几了,而且漫天要价,不出大价钱根本购不到地,这样必然限制了会员之间的广泛接触,而且迫使他们在新球场与俱乐部本部之间跑来跑去。变卖现有基地设施,然后再异地重建,也肯定得不偿失,而且也不可能找到比这儿更吸引人的地段。

俱乐部委员会中有位先生是运筹学的专家,他指出:很多场次虽然被租出去,但并未付诸使用,而俱乐部的规矩又不允许别的人去用,经过研究他提出了解决这个问题的方案,并宣称这是用“线性规划”所演译出来的。很多委员并不懂什么叫“线性规划”,但却被他的方法所折服。他主张变动场次时间表,修改章程,适当减少单打场次,仅做上述改动,球场使用效率就可增加一倍。大家一致同意按他的办法试行几个月,这样小B太太和她的邻居就可以入会打网球了,尽管有些老会员在发牢骚讲怪话,对此表示不满。

我们日常的经验可以证明,人与环境的关系可理解作一种生态关系或理解作一种生态系统。就人文行为而言,在各种空间中所进行的人的活动是这个系统的要素。这些活动通过各种物质的或非物质的交流相互作用或相互连接。个人或团体的行为均富于竞争性,其动机产生于个人或团体对周围环境的观察,受各种动机的支配,而采取各种不同的行动,如改造空间、更换交通方式、变动交通路线,也可同时进行上述几项活动或仅仅变动它们之间的关系。

显然,在上述这些过程中,行动的主体(例如个人或团体)以及行动进行的方式都是相当复杂的。因此需要,也有可能对此加以抽象和简化。有位学者曾论证:无论个人还是团体对外部世界都有一套自己的价值观,这些价值观决定了他们会有什么样的需求和愿望,并以此为基础,确定他们的行为目标。在这些目标的指导下,去考虑行动方案、对策以及采取具体行动,当这种过程完成之后,个人与外部世界的关系就产生了变化,也可能外部世界本身以及决策人有所变动,这样一来,价值观又变动了,由此又产生了下一个循环,对这种完整的循环,专家称之为“行为模式”。

在这里所讨论的内容主要关于个人和团体的行动,从上文中列举的几个简单例证可知,这些行动是非常复杂的,但不管怎样,其基本要素还是可以判断的。就容纳活动的空间而言,可发现三个明显的要素:

1、人们可调整他们的行动,以使它们能够适应原有的空间,这种变化要素可称之为“空间-行为”要素,如上文中的例证                             。

2、人们可为他们的活动寻求更合适的空间,这必然引起活动位置的改变,其动机在于改变某项活动与其它有关活动之间的关系,这类要素可称之为“空间-区位”要素,如上文中的例证                                        。

3、人们可利用建筑或其它工程构筑物,改变或重新构筑新的空间,来容纳某种活动,这种要素可称之为“空间-发展”要素,如上文中的例证                                                                 。


三、专业英语试题(英译汉,10分)

To an urban economist, a geographical area is considered urban if it contains a large number of people in a relatively small area. In other words, an urban area is defined as an area with a relatively high population density. For example, suppose that the average population density of a particular county is 20 people per acre. If part of the county contains 50,000 people in a 20-square-mile area (i.e., the population density is 2,500 people per square mile), it is considered an urban area because it has a relatively high population density. This definition accommodates urban areas of vastly different size, from a small town to a large metropolitan area. The economist’s definition is stated in terms of population density because the urban economy is based on frequent contact between different economic activities, and such contact is feasible only if firms and households are packed into a relatively small area.



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兰州大学自然地理
2000年
一.   解释下列概念(30分)
日的距离及其意义  臭氧层及其意义 成冰作用 夷平面 腐殖质及其作用 生态位
二.   论述地球自转和公转个有那些意义(20分)
三.   简介垂直地带性(15分)
四.   试论西部大开发(35分)


2001年
一.   解释下列概念(20分)
回归年 山谷风 断头河 转红壤 生物群落
二.   阐释下列现象(30分)
1.   北半球夏季为什么纬度越高白昼越长?
2.   山地降水与山下孰多?
3.   既然有暖低压冷高压之说,为何在副热带形成高压而在副极地形成低压?
4.   在同一河段,两岸越老的阶地看上去相距越远,是否意味着河水越来越小?
5.   极地动物有什么特征,为什么?
三.   试为百科全书写一条目(20分)
题目:地带性规律
四.   写一篇科学论文(30分)
论中国西北干旱区地理的基本特征


2002年
一.   阐释以下概念(40分)
宇宙 大洋中脊 第四纪 对流层 化学风化 终碛垅 侵蚀基准面 腐殖质 泰加林 生境
二.   回答下列问题(30分)
1.   地球公转有何意义
2.   副热带高压和副极地低压是如何形成的?
3.   对地域分异及其机理进行论述。
三.   各抒己见,一展才华(30分)
人类面临怎样的生存环境危机?人地关系究竟如何协调?(避免俗套)


2003年
一.   名次解释(40分)
1.   风化壳
2.   全球水分循环
3.   陆地生态系统
4.   生物多样性
5.   反气旋
二.   简答题(60分)
1.   简述海底扩张学说的主要内容。
2.   简述地理环境中地貌因子的作用。
3.   简述侵蚀基准面,气候变迁以及构造运动如何影响河流阶地的形成过程。
三.   论述题(50分)
1.   论述土壤圈在全球地理环境系统中的地位和作用。
2.   论述自然地理环境的地球分异规律的内涵,尺度,以及相互间的联系。


2004年
一.   名词解释(40分)
土壤圈 地理信息系统 全球变化 热带气旋 夷平面
二.   问答题(60分)
1.   我国季风气候特点及其形成过程。
2.   我国暖温带的特点及其形成过程
3.   黄土高原的特点及其形成过程
三.   论述题(任选两题,50分)
1.   我国地域分异规律的特点及其形成过程。
2.   全球变暖对我国地理环境未来发展趋势的影响。
3.   青藏高原的隆起过程及其环境效应。



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我有一些。哪天给大家弄过来。



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